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NEGATIVE MARKERS IN NEGATIVE DECLARATIVE SENTENCES OF MODERN MONGOLIAN




Enkhjargal Dagvasumberel

Lecturer, doctoral candidate National University of Mongolia, School of Humanities, Department of European studies

Negation in modern Mongolian is not enough studied in sentence level. It was analyzed by scholars such as Luvsanvandan Sh (1968), Wonsoo Yu (1991), Munkh-Amgalan Yu (1998), Byambasan P. (2006), Purev-Ochir B. (1998, 2001), Bat-Ireedui J. (2009), Kunihiko Hasimoto (2008) and Ravdan E. (2009). The research is the first intended research on negation in the sentence level. There are two forms of sentential negation in Mongolian language, namely: in the form of explicit and implicit. In this article we consider explicit sentential negative markers in modern Mongolian declarative sentences

Ключевые слова: Ключевые слова: negative marker,postverbal,preverbal,declarative sentences.




Библиографическое описание: Библиографическое описание:


  1. 1.  Theoretical background

 

 Before specifying explicit negation in modern Mongolian, we will consider negative markers in world languages. Scholar Dahl.O (1979) classified negative markers into two types: 1. morphological negation (prefixal, suffixal, circumfixal, prosodic, reduplicative) 2. syntactic negation (particle, auxilary). Furthermore, Payne (1985) suggested negative markers can be negative particles, morphological (affixal) negation, negative verbs (auxiliaries and higher verbs) and negative nouns.

Now I will present examples of negative markers in world languages. According to Hedde Zeijlstra (2004:52) Czech (SVO) has a preverbal negative marker ne.

(1) Milan moc nejedl

 Milan much neg.ate.

 Milan hasn’t eaten much. (ne is a preverbal negative marker, prefix)

Hedde Zeijlstra (2004:38) considers that Dutch (SVO) has post verbal negative marker niet.

 (2) Jan loopt niet

 John walks NEG (niet is a postverbal negative marker, particle)

 ‘John doesn’t walk.’

According to Guiliano Bernini & Paolo Ramat (1996), Zanuttini (1997), Paola Beninca` & Cecilia Poletto (2005) Romance languages have three systems for negating a clause: preverbal, pre- and postverbal and postverbal negation. For example:

Spanish (SVO, Preverbal negative marker)

 (3) Juan no come el pescado.

John NEG eat fish

‘John doesn’t eat fish.’

 French (SVO, Pre- and postverbal negative markers)

 

 (4) Jean ne mange pas de poisson.

 Jean NEG eat NEG fish.

 ‘Jean doesn’t eat fish.’

 Milanese (SVO, Postverbal negative marker)

(5) Mi parli no.

 I speak NEG

 ‘I don’t speak’.

The examples are taken from Guiliano Bernini, Paolo Ramat (1996:17)

Now we see negative markers in VSO languages. Maggie Tallerman (2005:844) points out that Irish (VSO) has a preverbal negative marker Níor.

 (6) Níor thug, nóis beag má thug, [an pobal aon aird ar an bhean bhocht]

    Neg:comp gave or almost-didn’t-give the community on the woman poor.

    ‘The community paid no attention, or almost no attention, to the poor woman.’

  Dahl (1979) and Dryer (1988, 1992) observe that SOV languages evince two typical negation patterns: one where the marker of negation immediately precedes the verb and one where it follows. Inflected negative markers appear in the latter pattern; preverbal negators are uninflected particles. These two patterns are shown here with examples from Korean (7) and Japanese (8):

 (7) Mica ka hakkyo ey an ka-ss-ta. (an is a preverbal negative marker)

 Mica nom school to NEG go-past-indic

 ‘Mica didn’t go to school.’

 (8) Yooko ga gakkoo ni ik-ana-katta koto

 Yoˆko nom school to go-NEG-past that

 ‘that Yoˆko didn’t go to school’ (-ana is a postverbal negative marker)

John Whitman (2005), Dryer (1988, 1992) show that the SONegV pattern in (7) and the SOVNeg pattern in (8) are overwhelmingly the most common patterns in verb-final languages. Of the 117 verbfinal languages in Dryer’s (1988) sample, 39 (15 families) show SONegV, while 64 (19 families) show SOVNeg. In contrast, 8 languages (5 families) have NegSOV, while 6 (3 families) have SnegOV.

Wonsoo Yu (1991) studied negation in Mongolian language (SOV) and defined negativity marking in Mongolian. Wonsoo Yu argues that negative markers could be divided into preverbal and postnominal. In Wonsoo Yu’s opinion preverbal negative markers contain markers of prohibition (bü, bütügei) and general markers (ül, ese), postnominal negative markers include markers of existence (ügei, üdü’üi, alga) and quality (busu).

We suggest types of explicit sentential negative markers in modern Mongolian syntax, such as preverbal negative markers (SONegV), postverbal negative markers (SOVNeg) and negative verbs, which contain negative markers. Preverbal negative markers are büü, bitgij, ül, es, alga which are all words and have SONegV sentential type. Postverbal negative markers could be separate-negative words (ügüj, biš, bus) and negative affixes (-güj, -maargüj4, -xaargüj 4, -údzaj2 , -lgüj, -ltgüj, -mgüj, -šgüj). Here we follow Kunihiko Hashimoto’s (2008) transcription of modern Mongolian sentences.

 

2. Negative markers in negative declarative sentences of modern mongolian

 

2.1. Negative particles as negative markers

 

We present negative particles as negative markers in negative sentences. But in this article we will not consider particles büü and bitgij, which are negative imperative markers.

2.1.1 ül as a negative marker

It belongs to the type SoNegV. ül precedes verbs of the imperative sentences and is used before predicate in affirmative sentences and forms negative sentences. ül means “not”.

(9) Yu bolž bajgaag ül medne. (G.D)

 What happen:3SG: ACC NEG know:3SG.

 ‘He doesn’t know what happens.’

2.1.2. Es as a preverbal negative marker

Es is used as a preverbal negative particle in sentences. It could be defined by a type SONegV=SO +(es+V). Es means “not”.

(10) Xöörxön büsgüjg ervel Xödöönöös es olov. (D. N.a.)

 Beautiful woman search:COND countryside:ABL.case NEG find:PAST.

‘He searched for a beautiful woman and didn’t find her from countryside.’

2.1.3. alga as a negative marker

Preverbal negative marker alga has “SONegV” sentential type, when has meaning “bajxgüj” which means “doesn’t exist, is not, is not present”. SONegV= SO+ (alga+ bajx)

Negation of “bаjх” (exist, be) is “bajxgüj” (doesn’t exist, is not). bajxgüj= alga=ügüj

bajxgüj bajx=alga bajx =ügüj bajx. These words mean “doesn’t exist, is not”.

(11) Bas tanaj cagaan alga l bajna lee. (D. N.2a).

 Also your white (horse) NEG be:PAST:3SG.

 ‘Also your white (horse) wasn’t there.’

2.1.4. biš as a sentential negative marker

“Biš” is a postverbal negative marker, which follows the verb and it belongs to the type SOVNeg. It means ‘not’.

 

2.1.4.1.SO+V+-affix.NEG.

 

The type SO+V+-affix.NEG has 3 forms, such as SO+V+-dag4+ biš, SO+V+-sаn4+biš

SO+V+-ltaj4 biš.

2. 1. 4. 1.1. SO+V+-dag4+ biš

4 means affix “–dag” has versions -deg, -dog and -dög. Mongolists often use -dg (Jan Olof Svantesson, 1991:190) instead of the “–dag”.

(12) Övčin gedeg čini cag xemžeetej irdeg jum biš. (L.V)

Illness that your time measurable come:3SG NEG.

‘Illness doesn’t come measurably.’

2.1. 4.1.2. SO+V-san+biš (SO+V+-sаn4+biš)

 “–san” has versions -sen, -son and -sön. Mongolists often use an abbreviation -sη (Jan Olof Svantesson, 1991:190) instead of the “–san”. san+biš means didn’t.

(13) Bi ööröö jamar durlaž üzsen biš dee. (L.V)

 I myself what fell: PTCP in love NEG.

 ‘I have not fallen in love.’

The affixes “-dag4, -san4” are named as verbal defining affixes in modern Mongolian language. (Tumurtogoo D, 2004:154)

2.1.4.1.3. SO+V-ltaj3 biš

Here 3 means affix –ltaj has versions –ltej and -ltoj. The affix -ltaj4 is connected to primary root of verbs and it follows negative marker “biš”. ltaj3 biš means ‘would not be’

(14) Uul xadnaas ajž bajna č gež xeleltej biš. (Ts.D.a)

 Mountain rock:ABL. Afraid be:1SG FOC that say NEG.

 ‘I wouldn’t say that I am afraid of the mountain and rock.’

2.1.4.2. The type SOVparticiple+ biš

Participle is followed by negative word “biš”. It means ‘ do not’.

(15) Jamar caad učrijg medex biš. (G.D)

 What behind the reason know:1SG NEG.

 ‘I don’t know what the reason behind.’

2.1.5. bus as a postverbal negation

bus is a version of the “biš”. bus is a particle. It ends sentences, but not often. Belongs to the type SOV+affix.NEG. bus means ‘not’.

 (16) Tüünees Iüj Baj-xua Lodond ünexeer durlasan bus tul…. (D.N.b)

But Iui Bai-hua Lodon:DAT really love:PAST NEG as…

‘But Iui Bai-hua really hasn’t fallen in love with Lodon and …’

2.1.6. ügüj as a postverbal negative marker

This is a version of the affix -güj, ends sentences. Ramstedt and other Mongolists instead –güj and ügüj use transcriptions –gui and ugui. It belongs to the type SOVNeg.

 (17) Čamaas öör xünijg xajrlaž čadax č ügüj, gancxan minij boddog yum. (D.B.a)

 You:ABL. another person:ACC love can FOC NEG, only my thought.

‘My only thought is that I can not fall in love with anyone else apart from you.’

 

2.2. Negative verbs, containing negative markers

 

1.2.1. Verbs with negative primary root

 

Many verbs, which contain negative markers, such as ügüjsgex (negate), ügüjlex (miss), ügüjrex (become poor), bišdex (become unsuccessful), busnjulax (ruin) negate sentences. It belongs to the type SO +Vneg.p.r

(18) Udirdaž bajgaa udirduulž bajgaa ali ni č turšlaga ügüjlegdež bajsan biz. (Ts.Z)

 The manager worker both:FOC experience miss:PAST.

 ‘The manager and workers had no experiences.’

 (19) Čingetel bür xereg bišdež,......(S.N)

 But ART matter get:3SG bad, …..

 ‘But the matter gets worse,…’

2. 2.2. Verbs with negative suffixes as negative markers

Some verbs such as “durgüjcex (disfavour)”, “argagüjdex (be put into a deadlock)”, ažilgüjdex (be unemployed)”, “aaligüjtex (to flirt)”, “bütelgüjtex (to fail)” have negative markers which follow the primary roots of nouns. Suffixes, which create verbs, are connected to the primary root of the words and form negative verbs, which negate sentences. It belongs to the type SO+Vneg.suf.

 

(20) Surgaltijn tölbör nemegdsend eceg exčüüd durgüjcev.

 Tuition fee increase:PAST:DAT parents disfavor:PAST.

 ‘Parents disfavoured the increase of the tuition fee.’

2.2.3. Phrasal verbs as negative markers

There are some negative phrasal verbs which are used as negative markers in negative sentences in modern Mongolian. For example, alga bolox = ügüj bolox (disappear), alga xiix= ügüj xiix (lose). Their meaning is different from alga baix. Sentences containing negative phrasal verbs belong to the type:SO+Vneg.phrasal.

(21) Ax düügees asuuwal Alga bolson gene šüü. (D.N.c)

 Brother:PL:ABL. Ask:COND Disappear:PAST say:PAST

 ‘When I asked for you, brothers said that you appeared.

 

2.3. Negative morphological morphemes as negative markers

in declarative sentences

 

There are some morphological morphemes which follow the verbs and negate sentences in modern Mongolian such as –güj, - maargüj 4, -xaargüj4, -lgüj, -ltgüj, –mgüj,-šgüj. These are postverbal morphological negative markers, have SOVNeg type. To negate affirmative sentences is their basic function.

2.3.1. –güj as a negative marker

–güj is a postverbal negative marker, has the type SOVNeg, ends sentences. It follows verbs in sentences and creates negative meaning. It means ‘not’.

(22) Ter ajlijn avgaj nar bas ajrag, arxi ögsöngüj. (Ts.D.c)

 That wife:pl and airag, vodka:ACCø give:PAST:NEG.

 ‘Those wives did not give any airag and vodka.’

2.3.2. - maargüj 4 as a negative marker

- maargüj 4 is a postverbal negative marker. It belongs to the type SOVNeg, ends sentences. It means ‘would not’.

(23) ...gev genet šarxnij xaluund soliorood xamag bajdgaa toočix ni gež

sanamaargüjsen. (B.D.)

 …suddenly with pain be:3SG mad all say that

would think:NEG.affix

‘…he wouldn’t think of saying all suddenly because of getting insane with his pain.’

2.3.3. -xaargüj4 as a postverbal negative marker

It belongs to the type SOVNeg. –xaargüj has versions –xeergüj, -xoorgüj, -xöörgüj. It means ‘not possible.’

(24) Coton xedij oliggüj gevč xarijn daisantaj evlerexeergüj. (D.N.2.b)

 Tsoton altough not good but enemy:with conciliate NEG.

 ‘Although Tsoton is not good, he is implacable with enemy.’

2.3.4.-lgüj as a postverbal negative marker

It doesn’t end sentences. It has SOVNeg+V type. .-lgüj means ‘not, without.’ It negates first verb of the parallel structure in a sentence and clausal predicate.

(25) Caana caanaa yu č bodolgüi jariž bajgaa biz...(D.N.2.c)

 Behind anything FOC think:NEG talk:PRS:3SG.

‘He may be talking without thinking of the behind reason’

2.3.5. -ltgüj as a postverbal negative marker

–ltgüj ends sentences. It has SOVNeg type and meaning ‘should not, need not‘.

 

(26) Bi bodoltgüj, ene zörüüd zangijnxaa tuxaj xarin či bodmoor bajna.(L.V)

I think:NEG, this obstinate character about but you think.AFFIX

‘There is no need to think about it for me, but you should think about your obstinate character.’

2.3.6. –mgüj as a postverbal negative marker

It belongs to the type SOVNeg. mgüj means ‘should not’.

(27) Enxrij baga nasaa demij čand ni xayamgüj. (Z.B)

 Precious youth idle leave:NEG.

 ‘Precious youth should not be wasted.’

2.3.7. -šgüj as a postverbal negative marker

It belongs to the type SOVNeg. -šgüjmeans ‘would not’.

(28) Minij bayarlasan gedgijg xeleed güjcešgüj. (Z.B.)

 I:GEN was happy that:ACC say:affix possible.NEG.

 ‘It is impossible to express how much I was happy.’

 

CONCLUSION

In this article we present explicit negation in modern Mongolian syntax. This time we review negative markers which occur in negative declarative sentences. The modern Mongolian language examples are taken from modern Mongolian literature. The following results were found:

Negative markers in negative declarative sentences in modern Mongolian could be

-     negative particles: “ül”, “es”, “alga” “biš”, “bus”, “ügüj. These arepreverbal and postverbal negative markers.

-     negative morphological morphemes: “-güj”, “-maargüj4”, “-xaargüj 4, “-lgüj”, “-ltgüj”, “-mgüj”, “-šgüi”, -údzaj2. These are all postverbal negative markers.

-     negative verbs, containing negative markers: 1. verbs with negative primary roots: ügüjsgex (negate), ügüjlex (miss), ügüjrex (become poor), bišdex (become unsuccessful), busnjulax (ruin) 2. verbs with negative suffix: “durgüjcex (disfavour)”, “argagüjdex (be put into a deadlock)”, ažilgüjdex (be unemployed)”, “aaligüjtex (to flirt)”, “bütelgüjtex (to fail) 3. Negative phrasal verbs: alga bolox = ügüj bolox (disappear), alga xijx =ügüj xijx (lose).

-      

REFERENCES

Bat-Ireedui J. 2009.  Mongol xelnij ügüjsgex xaricaa ba tüünij ilrex xelberüüd. (Negation in modern

Mongolian and its expression). Tokyo University of Foreign Studies, №78, 2-13

Byambasan P. 2006. Mongol xelnij onol, bütcijn asuudald (Theory and structure of modern

Mongolian). Ulaanbaatar

Dahl.Ö. 1979. Typology of sentence negation, Linguistics 17:79-106

Giuliano Bernini,Paolo Ramat. 1996. Negative Sentences in the Languages of Europe: A Typological

Approach. Mouton de Gruyter, Berlin/New York

Hedde Zeijlstra. 2004. Sentential negation and Negative concord, dissertation, Amsterdam

Jan Olof Svantesson. 1991. Tense, Mood and aspect in Mongolian, Lund university, Dept.of

 Linguistics, working papers, 38 (1991), 189-204

John Whitman. 2005. Preverbal elements in Korean and Japanese. The Oxford handbook of

comparative syntax, edited by:Guglielmo Cinque, Richard S. Kayne. 880-902,

Oxford University Press

Kunihiko Hasimoto. 2008. The semantic classification of the negative concord items in Mongolian,

http://www.lingua.tsukuba.ac.jp, Journal of General linguistics, Japan

Luvsanvandan Sh. 1968. Orčin cagijn mongol xelnij, üg nöxcöl xoer ni (Words and affixes

of modern Mongolian), Ulaanbaatar

Maggie Tallerman. 2005. The Celtic Languages, The Oxford handbook of comparative syntax, ed.by

Guglielmo Cinque, Richard S. Kayne. 839-879, Oxford University press

Mönkh-Amgalan Yu. 1998. Orčin cagijn mongol xelnij bajmžijn aj (Modal Category of Modern

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handbook of comparative syntax, ed.byGuglielmo Cinque, Richard S.Kayne. 221-258, Oxford

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Abbreviations of literature examples

  1. B.D. – B. Dogmid. Üхeх xünd xani xereggüj (Dying person doesn’t need any companion)
  2. D. B.a.-D. Batbayar, Cööröm (Pond)
  3. D. N.a-D. Natsagdorj, Feodalijn janaglal (Romance of a feudal)
  4.    D. N.b-D. Natsagdorj, Lambaguajn nulims, (Tears of Lambaguai)
  5. D. N.c. -D. Natsagdorj, Učirtaj gurvan tolgoj, (Three Meaningful Hills)
  6.    D. N2.a -D. Namdag, Büdee xüüxen (Darling Budee)
  7.   D. N2.b-D. Namdag, Šaraj golijn gurvan xaan (Three kings of Sharaigol)
  8.   D. N2.c.-D. Namdag, Süreg čono (A Pack of Wolves)
  9.    G.D -G.Duinkherjav Amin dens (The Balance of good and bad deeds)
  10.   L. V -L. Vangan, Emč nar (Doctors)
  11. S. N -S. Nadmid, Tümen cagaan xoni (Thousand white sheep)
  12.   Ts. D. a -Ts. Damdinsuren, Xoer cagaan jum (Two white things)
  13.    Ts. D.c -Ts. Damdinsuren, Šarav Norov xoer (Sharav and Norov)
  14. .   Ts. Z-Ts. Zandraa, Xölsnij dusal (Drop of Sweat)
  15.    Z. B- Z. Battulga, Uyaxan zambuutiv (The Placid World)


 

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